Tag Archives: political

Europe Acts to Fix Its Crippled Carbon Market

SustainableBusiness.com News After months of wrangling, a vote in the European Parliament is bringing relief to the EU’s stricken Emissions Trading System (ETS), the world’s first and largest cap-and-trade program. The vote shows the political will to address the oversupply of allowances (permits to emit carbon) that has led to unsustainably low carbon prices. On July 2, Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) voted in favor of a “backloading” proposal which would withhold hundreds of million of permits. Pulling back available permits to balance supply and demand (in order to raise prices) is exactly what’s been needed, but a previous vote caved to industry interests, which convinced them that higher carbon prices risked the bloc’s competitiveness. That move collapsed carbon prices by another 45%, to €2.63 ($3.38) per ton of carbon dioxide, and led many to question whether Europe remains committed to the program – its flagship climate change policy. However, that price collapse triggered intense debate and a renewed effort to save the market. “This is a good decision by the European Parliament and is an important step forward for climate change policy,” says Ed Davey, the UK’s climate change minister. “We need a stable carbon market so we get more certainty for investors so emissions reductions can be achieved at the lowest cost possible.” Carbon allowances have lost 75% of their value over the last four years as Europe’s economic downturn, and the faster-than-expected development of renewable energy capacity has reduced demand for allowances from emitters. As the world’s first market, it did not have rules that would come into play when demand drops. The lack of the ability to reduce the supply of allowances led to a glut. Last year, the European Commission proposed to ‘backload’ 900 million allowances, holding them back until later in the decade. This would push prices up, giving time for structural reforms to the system to be introduced. “This is a reassuring signal for industry and international observers – many of whom have recently adopted their own emissions trading schemes – that the EU remains committed to decarbonizing Europe’s economy in the most cost-efficient way,” says Hans ten Berg, the Secretary General of Eurelectric, which represents Europe’s electricity sector. “Today’s positive vote is a much needed step in the right direction, but it is nevertheless only a first step. We urge the Commission to continue down this path of strengthening the ETS in the long run by proposing more significant structural reforms.” The backloading proposal still needs to clear several more hurdles, although analysts say last week’s vote was the toughest. Traders expect the Commission to begin withholding allowances next year. Structural reforms, however, are likely to be years off, given the drawn-out processes involved in European policy making. Elections next year to the European Parliament are likely to slow deliberations, and most observers don’t expect reforms to be agreed until 2017. But last week’s vote shows there is political will to fix Europe’s carbon market, say participants. “The ‘yes’ vote should provide a short-term boost to carbon prices and confirms the EU’s commitment to the success of the ETS and to implementing the long-term improvements that are still needed,” says Thomas Rassmuson, a Founding Partner at CF Partners, a risk advisory and investment firm specializing in renewables and commodities. Continue reading

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Farm Bill Defeat Shows Agriculture’s Waning Power

Manuel Balce Ceneta/Associated Press Speaker John A. Boehner failed to draw enough Republican support for a  bill last month. By RON NIXON Published: July 2, 2013 WASHINGTON — The startling failure of the farm bill last month reflects the declining clout of the farm lobby and the once-powerful committees that have jurisdiction over agriculture policy, economists and political scientists said this week. Although a number of factors contributed to the defeat of the bill — including Speaker John A. Boehner’s failure to rally enough Republican support and Democratic opposition to $20 billion in cuts to the food stamps program — analysts said the 234 to 195 vote also illustrated the shift in the American population and political power to more urban areas. “There are a small number of Congressional districts where farming continues to carry much sway,” said Vincent H. Smith, a professor of agricultural economics at Montana State University. “Especially in the House, the farm lobby has been substantially weakened.” For much of American history, the agriculture sectors wielded tremendous political power. Farm groups were able to get key farm legislation passed by rallying millions of farmers in nearly every Congressional district. Influential farm state legislators like Representative Jamie L. Whitten of Mississippi, a Democrat who was chairman of the Appropriations Committee and its subcommittee on agriculture, brought billions in agriculture financing to their states and fought off attempts to cut subsidy programs despite pressure from both liberals and conservatives. Mr. Whitten died in 1995 after 53 years in Congress. But as Americans have moved to the cities and suburbs, farmers and lawmakers representing districts largely dependent on agriculture have seen their political muscle steadily decline. Just 2.2 million people now work in farming in the United States, or about 2.5 percent of the total work force. Farming now accounts for about 1 percent of gross national product, down from a high of about 9 percent in 1950. Only 40 lawmakers represent largely farming districts, according to research by Mr. Smith in 2006. He said that number was probably smaller today. Nonetheless, agriculture groups said they continue to have influence and blamed increased partisanship for the inability of Congress to pass the farm bill. “Agriculture used to be a nonpartisan issue that both Democrats and Republicans could support,” said Danny Murphy, president of the American Soybean Association. “Now people are lining up to take sides; it’s nutrition or farm programs,” he said. “For us, it’s a nonissue. We’re farmers, how can we be against food?” Barry L. Bequette, dean of the School of Agriculture, Research, Extension and Applied Sciences at Alcorn State University in Lorman, Miss., said the issue was not a lack of power. “Farmers just haven’t learned how to utilize the power they have,” he said. “All the groups are fractured and focused on their own narrow issues.” But agricultural economists like Mr. Smith said the Congressional response to last year’s drought and this year’s debt talks provide more evidence of the waning political influence of agriculture. Last summer, as the worst dry spell in 50 years was causing widespread damage to farmland and livestock, national farm organizations pushed for the passage of a farm bill that would provide relief. But the groups were unable to muster enough support to even get the bill to the floor for a vote. Representative Frank D. Lucas, Republican of Oklahoma and chairman of the House Agriculture Committee, which did pass a farm bill , made several appeals to House leaders to bring the legislation up for a vote, but they declined. When the Obama administration and Republican leaders worked out a compromise to avert automatic tax increases in January, Mr. Lucas and Senator Debbie Stabenow, the Michigan Democrat who is chairwoman of the Senate Agriculture Committee, tried desperately to get the farm bill included in the talks. Both touted the savings they had achieved in both the House and Senate version of the bills. But their pleas were largely unheeded. The Senate instead chose to include in the tax package a slimmed-down farm bill proposal by Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the Republican minority leader. Mr. McConnell’s proposal extended only portions of the current farm bill, which was passed in 2008. The extension did not provide disaster assistance for livestock owners, who had to kill thousands of cows, pigs and chickens because of rising feed prices and lack of water. It eliminated money for conservation programs and financing for fruit and vegetable growers and organic farmers, and cut a program that pays milk producers when feed prices increase. The proposal did contain provisions to prevent milk prices from rising and left in place direct payments to farmers or farmland owners, whether or not they grow crops. The payments, which total about $5 billion a year, have long been criticized as examples of wasteful government spending. The bill passed the Senate by 89 to 8, with a reluctant Ms. Stabenow voting for it; it passed the House by 257 to 167. Mr. Lucas also voted for the House bill. Farm groups said they felt equally ignored. An exasperated Ms. Stabenow summed up the feeling of both farm state lawmakers and the farm sector in an interview shortly after the deal was announced. “There is absolutely no way to explain this other than agriculture is just not a priority,” she said. Collin C. Peterson, the Minnesota Democrat and ranking member on the House Agriculture Committee, sent a letter to House leaders involved in the debt talks. “I could not believe that you and your leadership team could treat the committee with such disrespect,” he wrote. Continue reading

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Ignore The Spin, The Decarbonisation Agenda Is The Only Game In Town

The signals in favour of green investment get clearer by the week, it is just a shame that while President Obama seeks to lead David Cameron remains silent 02 Jul 2013 I have a vague recollection of a time when climate change topped the political agenda. When the world’s most powerful politician announced a sweeping strategy to cut greenhouse gas emissions, declaring that “as a President, as a father, and as an American, I’m here to say we need to act”. When the world’s largest single market announced wide-ranging new efforts to cut international shipping emissions . When the world’s premier energy analysts confirmed renewables will overtake gas as the second largest global source of electricity by 2016. When the world’s largest emitter of greenhouse gases took the first steps towards slapping a price on that polluting externality. And when the home of the world’s first industrial revolution revealed how it will deliver the next industrial revolution by mobilising massive investment in clean energy, rail infrastructure, and climate adaptation. That’s right, I remember – it was last month. The past few weeks have seen a host of hugely significant developments for the low carbon economy (and by extension the wider economy), further underlining the gap between the anti-green narrative of faltering political ambition on climate change and the reality of ambitious new policy and investment programmes that are explicitly designed to move the world economy on to a low carbon path. Virtually everyone involved in these various climate strategies admits they do not yet go far enough – and those who have not yet acknowledged this reality should read Stephen Emmott’s absolutely terrifying new tract on the scale of the existential environmental risks that will characterise the coming decades. But while current policies are not commensurate to the scale of the environmental challenges we face, arguing that these policies do not exist or that they amount to nothing more than political window-dressing is a sorry distortion of reality. Particular progress was made last week in the UK and the US where the climate strategies that could well dominate much of the next decade were fleshed out. Inevitably, the media omerta that governs coverage of countless environmental and green economy issues remained in force. The President of the world’s largest economy setting out the urgent need to fundamentally reshape that economy largely failed to make the front pages, while the coverage from the media’s partisan wing surprised no one by mocking Barack Obama’s willingness to respond to scientific evidence. Displaying the utterly dispiriting predictability that is its calling card, Fox News responded to Obama’s speech by again providing a platform for climate sceptic mythologising. On this side of the Atlantic, the government’s raft of green infrastructure announcements was clearly part of a fairly transparent (and largely effective effort) to spin the spending review’s tacit admission of economic failure and explicit admission of the need for further cuts to departmental budgets . But it was also a hugely ambitious policy and investment programme designed to pump billions of pounds of investment into a greener and more resilient 21st century infrastructure. Inevitably, the bulk of the media again failed to see it this way and tended to either ignore the announcements or spin them as further evidence we will suffer 1970s-style blackouts during the middle of the decade. However, those business leaders who are canny enough to make long term decisions based on scientific, economic, and policy reality, rather than the version spun to them by a partisan media, will have interpreted last week’s events as a clear signal that pressure to decarbonise is only going to intensify. Obama’s cri de coeur in support of climate action left no one in any doubt that the President plans to use his final term to deliver significant progress on emission reductions. His ability to deliver sweeping climate legislation may be curtailed by a deadlocked Congress, but businesses can be certain that the administration will directly or indirectly support projects to enhance energy efficiency, curb emissions from transport, invest in climate resilience, and bring online all forms of cleaner energy, ranging from CCS and shale gas to solar panels and wind turbines. Energy and fuel efficiency standards will get tighter, funding will be made available to support emerging clean technologies, investments in climate adaptation will be prioritised, and the President will use his bully’s pulpit to criticise and condemn those politicians and businesses who stand in the way. The administration has been quick to argue that the President is not declaring a “war on coal”, noting that the new strategy includes $8bn of loan guarantees for clean coal projects. But Obama is declaring a war on reckless businesses that have no intention of responding to the climate threats. Of course, the US political landscape is so polarised on the topic of climate change that there is a very real chance that many of President Obama’s decarbonisation efforts could be reversed by a Republican President after 2015. But business leaders know that for the next few years decarbonisation will be on the administration’s agenda, just as they know that Obama’s internal polling must show that a majority of Americans are concerned about climate impacts and want to see cleaner technologies and business models succeed. In the UK the green economy landscape is far more complex given the nuances of coalition government and the fact that the decarbonisation policy framework is already well under construction. But again the broad signal to businesses is much the same – the government wants you to mobilise investment in cleaner technologies and business models, and it is willing to help you do so. There are significant and legitimate questions to ask about the policies the government has put in place to drive this decarbonisation, not least around the cost of certain clean technologies and the ability of the government to deliver hugely ambitious programmes such as the Green Deal. But the policy support for green technologies and businesses is becoming clearer by the day, just as the risks associated with carbon intensive business models are also becoming ever more apparent. Of course, that is not to say everything is perfect. There are still important unanswered questions about the future role of shale gas in the UK energy mix, the viability of CCS, the effectiveness of energy efficiency policies, and the cost of the entire low carbon agenda. Meanwhile, despite his signing off numerous multi-billion pound support programmes for clean technologies it often appears Chancellor George Osborne regards the decarbonisation agenda in the same way as he regards late night takeaway food – as more of a political plaything than a source of sustenance. But any business waiting for the political and economic climate to be perfect would never get anything done. Cast iron certainty can never be delivered, but it is clear that most of the government is working to deliver as much certainty as it can. The simple fact is that the vast majority of policy, political and economic signals are now pointing businesses in the direction of more ambitious climate action. And again, anyone doubting this reality should read Stephen Emmott’s new book, 10 billion , on the daunting challenges we face this century and realise that unanswerable environmental signals are pointing ever more urgently in the same direction. In fact, increasingly the only people pointing in the opposite direction and arguing in favour of the status quo either work in industries that are too scared to countenance a green economic transformation or act as their cheerleaders in the media and politics. The problem is that on occasions these cheerleaders are loud enough to counteract some of the signals in favour of action. And this brings us to the main flaw in last week’s flurry of US and UK climate announcements – they acted as a mirror image of one another, Obama providing the political signals that action is required while failing to deliver sweeping policy action, Cameron delivering sweeping policy action but failing to provide political signals. The vagaries of the US Congress may make it impossible for Obama to pursue any other path, but in the UK it is still possible to envisage a hybrid of the two leaders’ approaches (the Obameron doctrine?) that would see the Prime Minister trumpet from the rooftops that action on climate change is essential and he is determined to deliver it. Sadly, the reality is quite different. There was a rumour going round Westminster early last week that the Prime Minister was planning to announce the predominantly green infrastructure measures unveiled by Danny Alexander, but again it looked like Cameron ducked the opportunity to promote his government’s green goals. Equally, the Prime Minister could have this week ordered Environment Secretary Owen Paterson to make a big splash with the latest report on the scale of the climate adaptation challenges the UK faces, but again Defra’s climate work was highlighted with nothing more than a short press release. After a long and frustrating wait, Obama has finally confirmed he is bold enough to lead from the front on the need for climate action, taking the fight to colleagues and opponents who disagree with him. Meanwhile, Cameron signs off on ambitious climate policies, but lets others do the leading, preferring to duck the necessary scrap with climate sceptic colleagues. The coalition’s green policies may point ever more clearly in favour of decarbonisation, but without the kind of strong leadership displayed by Obama last week political risk remains. As a result, progress is slower and the cost of capital is higher than it should be. Cameron may think that he is appeasing his more vocal backbenchers by keeping silent on the topic of climate change, but in failing to publicly back an agenda he was once so closely aligned with he only highlights the weakness of his position. Last week provided a clear signal to businesses that the green economy will continue to prosper on both sides of the Atlantic, regardless of the media and political spin that seeks to derail it. But it also provided a tantalising glimpse of what a combination of strong leadership and strong policy can deliver. All it needs is for those leaders like Cameron who are actually delivering ambitious green policies to respond to Obama’s challenge and declare publicly that they do indeed have “the courage to act before it’s too late”. Continue reading

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