Tag Archives: carbon

EU Sets Terms For Global Aviation Climate Talks

Last updated on 1 May 2013, 8:08 am – Contact the team at info@rtcc.org EU: The EU has set the terms necessary for it to continue to discount international airlines from its regional carbon trading scheme. Jos Delbeke, director general of the European Commission’s climate action directorate said an agreement in principle to allow all states to take part in a global deal and a timetable for that agreement would be necessary to preven tit from overturning its “ stop the clock ” measures. The EU stopped asking international airlines using EU airports to take part in its cap and trade system on the condition that a global deal was agreed at the International Civil Aviation Organisation’s (ICAO) general assembly in September. ( GreenAir ) The EU has clarified its minimum expectations for the ICAO talks that would prevent it from including international airlines in its own cap and trade scheme again (Source: Virgin) Continue reading

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Learning From Europe’s Carbon Price Crash: We Need A Carbon Bank

A carbon bank would reduce the risk of the carbon price crumpling. Niall Glynn The dramatic fall in Europe’s carbon price in April led to claims emissions trading had failed as a model for addressing climate change. While the low EU price is problematic for the EU and Australia (by virtue of our linkage with the EU ), carbon pricing is still the most efficient tool to address climate change at the scale required. It may be more productive to discuss what we can learn from the European Union’s experience. What design features should be built into both existing and future emissions trading schemes to safeguard against volatility and ensure that carbon markets reduce emissions and encourage investment in low carbon technologies? This question is also relevant to other countries that are currently designing national emissions trading schemes, most notably China, Brazil, South Korea and Chile. Why did the EU’s carbon price crash? Unlike in Australia, when the EU’s Emission Trading Scheme (ETS) started trading in 2005, most member states had no system in place to measure greenhouse gas emissions from industry. Industry was left to make their own emissions projections. and allowance allocation was based on these estimates. Perhaps unsurprisingly, this led to a gross over-estimate of emissions by some sectors, notably German utilities. This resulted in the price crashing at the end of Phase 1 (2007). The European Commission announced a tighter cap for Phases II and III, which increased the EU allowance price to around €30 in 2008. The recession then took hold in Europe. The fall in industrial activity combined with the success of other emissions reduction policies in the EU, have been the predominant causes of the current oversupply of EU allowances. The oversupply means prices have fallen sharply over the last year, to a point where they are not driving any abatement in low carbon technologies. To increase the price of EU allowances, the European Commission tried to address over-supply with a temporary measure known as “back loading”. This proposed that 900 million allowances be withheld from auctioning over the next three years and reintroduced around 2020. Industry lobbying intensified, the proposal became increasingly politically contentious, and it was defeated by a narrow margin in the EU Parliament last week. The proposal is not necessarily dead, but the Parliament’s vote sent a negative signal that led to prices falling even further, to around €2. Those in favour of back-loading argued that the EU ETS could not incentivise investment in low carbon technologies while the price was so low. Those against it argued industry should not be hit with further costs at a time when many member states are still in recession. It’s a familiar debate in the climate change policy arena. The collapse of the EU price is not all bad: it basically means emissions have been cut more efficiently than expected . Taking decisions away from politicians The European “back-loading” experience shows decisions about the functioning of carbon markets need to be made outside the political process. The politics of climate change have become more divisive over the last few years, just as the threat to the planet grows. This is because acting on climate change is still considered to pose a direct threat to mainstream industry’s interests and the status quo. We cannot leave market decisions to the political process if we are to have a chance of addressing climate change. An independent bank, with the job of regulating the market, should be part of the architecture of any emissions trading scheme. Similarly to the Reserve Bank of Australia, a carbon bank needs the authority to act decisively when required in order for the market to function efficiently. A call for such a bank is not new: Professor Ross Garnaut and the Clean Energy Council have called for it in the past. A carbon bank is critical for two reasons. Unusually, carbon markets are government created; they are artificial markets. When over-supply occurs, it is not naturally addressed by market dynamics; that is, by the low price generating an increase in demand and in turn driving up the price again. The functioning of a carbon market relies on the quality of the market’s administration. Further, addressing climate change is too important for each market decision to be subject to lengthy political wrangling. Once a government has decided to establish an emissions trading scheme, the market should be entrusted to a regulator to make the necessary decisions to enable the market to function, such as to regulate over supply. Over-supply is not necessarily a bad thing, or evidence of failure, in a carbon market. It can mean the market is working better than expected. The experience in environmental markets to date has been that when a price on pollution is introduced, innovation is unleashed, so emission reductions are consistently underestimated by regulators . Over-supply can also occur because the complementary measures to a carbon price are working effectively; this was certainly a factor Europe. There are also events, such as recessions, that are unforeseen at the time a cap is set: these also affect carbon markets. The point is, however that there needs to be a mechanism built into a carbon market design at the outset that can address market issues when they occur. As schemes link up around the world, the focus should shift to the need for a global carbon body will to regulate the global carbon currency, and it could also help countries explore the feasibility of linking with other schemes . It is important that we remove decisions on market function from the political arena so that we can get on with the task of reducing emissions. If we can do this, we might surprise ourselves and exceed emission reduction targets without even noticing. Continue reading

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Is There Life After ETS?

By Dave Keating  –  Today, 02:10 CET If the Emissions Trading Scheme does become an irrelevancy incapable of lowering emissions between now and 2020 (see above), then José Manuel Barroso’s declared ambition to put climate change at the top of the agenda during his presidency of the European Commission would be counted a failure. Although environmental campaigners are now among the loudest voices calling for the ETS to be saved, this was not always the case. When the idea of a market mechanism to address the problems of climate change was first proposed, many environmental campaigners were sceptical, to say the least. Then, as it became clear that the ETS was to become the law of the land, some environmental groups clambered on board, joining the business community. However, not everybody joined the party. Friends of the Earth, for instance, has always opposed using a market mechanism as the EU’s main tool for fighting climate change. Ahead of the European Parliament’s vote, a group of 36 global NGOs, including chapters of Friends of the Earth, Corporate Europe Observatory and FERN, the European forests campaign group, released a report calling for the ETS to be scrapped. “The vote on backloading is the wrong debate,” said Hannah Mowat of FERN. “No amount of structural tinkering will get away from the fact that the EU has chosen the wrong tool to reduce emissions in Europe.” The report says that rather than wasting time and energy fixing a broken system, the EU should instead shift to more direct policies for stimulating changes that lower emissions, such as feed-in tariffs for renewables, redirecting public subsidies away from the fossil-fuel industry and towards low-carbon infrastructure, and improving energy efficiency. Such a change of approach would not be straightforward. The ETS is now almost ten years old. For the past decade, the EU’s climate policy has been constructed with the ETS at its core. “I don’t see how [scrapping the ETS] would offer immediate solutions,” said Sam Van Den Plas of campaign group WWF. “That’s a process that would require many more years.” “Despite the disappointing news on backloading, ETS is still a directive in place,” he added. “It’s still a useful policy framework, but the parameters are incorrect. The real debate still lies in the structural changes [to be proposed by the Commission], regardless of whether backloading goes ahead or not.” But the backloading debate has left environmental campaigners in the awkward position of defending a market mechanism they were never keen on from the outset, while the centre-right politicians who devised the system are now silent as it crumbles. Angela Merkel, Germany’s chancellor, was a main proponent of emissions trading, but now she refuses to take a position on backloading. Barroso was also a champion, but has not come out with a statement on ETS since the Parliament’s vote. German centre-left MEP Matthias Groote, chairman of the Parliament’s environment committee, has criticised him for this silence. Quiet support Ville Niinistö, Finland’s environment minister, says that there is still support for the ETS as the main vehicle for emissions reduction, particularly because the alternative at this point would probably be 27 different national climate policies. The UK’s recent unilateral climate action, for instance, seems to be a troubling sign of things to come. But he says that the current sense of crisis around the ETS is alerting political and business leaders to the need for change if the ETS is to be relevant in the future. “There is still momentum behind making sure that the ETS works, but this is a good reminder that NGOs were right when they said that you cannot have a market-based mechanism and then make it too loose, because then there is no market,” Niinistö said. “The ETS is a big part of the European approach, and we should not leave it easily,” he said. “But we have a lot to prove – that this market mechanism works. European companies have a lot to prove – that they want this market mechanism to work. There seems to be quite a lot of discussion within the business world in Europe at this moment, that if they want the ETS to work they should be supportive of making sure it is the main vehicle for emissions reductions.” If no solution to the ETS crisis of confidence is found in the coming months, there could be big implications worldwide for other countries that are copying the EU system – the first and largest carbon market in the world. Australia’s system is set to begin trading in 2015 and has plans to link to the EU ETS. China is launching ETS pilot schemes and California has a fully functioning market. A collapse of the ETS might lead these countries to rethink their plans. Continue reading

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